The present widespread presence of homeless and informal settlers in our society is another tormenting face of dehumanizing poverty in our country.Improving their current condition clearly needs direct government intervention.Otherwise, this problem will persist for a long time. The normal course of events cannot make it disappear or even mitigate it to any reasonable extent.
Current available information about the homeless and informal settlers appears to be incomplete and dated. As such, these data may not give a reasonable measure of the scope of these two problems. Nevertheless, these may be helpful in providing an indication of the government assistance needed to deal effectively with these serious and utterly degrading human problem.
A summary brief prepared by an American public policy advocate entity in July 2020 indicates that…
On February 23, General Antonio Luna needed Malvar and his unit to participate in a Filipino counterattack planned to regain ground lost earlier by Filipinos and capture Manila. However, the Filipino offensive collapsed.
In mid-March, an expeditionary force under Brig. Gen. Loyd Wheaton moved eastward, clearing Filipino troops from the vicinity of the Pasig River, assuring the Americans of riverine access to Laguna de Bay. About a month later, Major Gen. Henry Lawton led an expedition to Santa Cruz on the eastern shore of Laguna de Bay, where the Filipinos had a large concentration of troops. Lawton’s force engaged the enemy several times, occupied Santa Cruz briefly, reconnoitered the area, and then returned to Manila. The foray by Lawton caused great concern to the Filipino high command, for it seemed to presage the onset of a major American campaign in southern Luzon.
By: Christopher F. Rufo, Founder and Director, Battlefront
Reprinted by permission from Imprimis, a publication of Hillsdale College.
Critical Race Theory is fast becoming America’s new institutional orthodoxy. Yet most Americans have never heard of it – and of those who have, many don’t understand it. It’s time for this to change. We need to know what it is so we can know how to fight it.
In explaining critical race theory, it helps to begin with a brief history of Marxism. Originally, the Marxist Left built its political program on the theory of class conflict. Marx believed that the primary characteristic of industrial societies was the imbalance of power between capitalists and workers. The solution to that imbalance, according to Marx, was revolution: the workers would eventually gain consciousness of their plight, seize the means of production, overthrow the capitalist class, and usher in a new socialist society.
During the 20th century, a number of regimes underwent Marxist-style revolutions, and each ended in disaster. Socialist governments in the Soviet Union, China, Cambodia, Cuba, and elsewhere racked up a body count of nearly 100 million of their own people. They are remembered for their gulags, show trials, executions, and mass starvations. In practice, Marx’s ideas unleashed man’s darkest brutalities.
By the mid-1960s, Marxist intellectuals in the West had begun to acknowledge these failures. They recoiled at revelations of Soviet atrocities and came to realize that workers’ revolutions would never occur in Western Europe or the United States, where there were large middle classes and rapidly improving standards of living. American in particular had never developed a sense of class consciousness or class division. Most Americans believed in the American dream – the idea that they could transcend their origins through education, hard work, and good citizenship.
But rather than abandon their Leftist political project, Marxist scholars in the West simply adapted their revolutionary theory to the social and racial unrest of the 1960s. Abandoning Marx’s economic dialectic of capitalist and workers, they substituted race for class and sought to create a revolutionary coalition of the dispossessed based on racial and ethnic categories.
Fortunately, the early proponents of this revolutionary coalition in the U.S. lost out in the 1960s to the civil rights movement, which sought instead the fulfillment of the American promise of freedom and equality under the law. Americans preferred the idea of improving their country to that of overthrowing it. The vision of Martin Luther King, Jr., President Johnson’s pursuit of the Great Society, and the restoration of law and order promised by President Nixon in his 1968 campaign defined the post 1960s American political consensus.
But the radical Left has proved resilient and enduring – which is where critical race theory comes in.
WHAT IT IS
Critical race theory is an academic discipline, formulated in the 1990s, built on the intellectual framework of identity-based Marxism. Relegated for many years to universities and obscure academic journals, over the past decade it has increasingly become the default ideology in our public institutions. It has been injected into government agencies, public school systems, teacher training programs, and corporate human resources departments in the form of diversity training programs, human resources modules, public policy frameworks, and school curricula.
There are a series of euphemisms deployed by its supporters to describe critical race theory, including “equity,” “social justice,” “diversity and inclusion,” and “culturally responsive teaching.” Critical race theorists, masters of language construction, realize that “neoMarxism” would be a hard sell. Equity, on the other hand, sounds non-threatening and is easily confused with the American principle of equality. But the distinction is vast and important. Indeed, equality – the principle proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, defended in the Civil War, and codified into law with the 14th and 15th Amendments, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 – is explicitly rejected by critical race theorists. To them, equality represents “mere nondiscrimination” and provides “camouflage” for white supremacy, patriarchy, and oppression.
In contrast to equality, equity as defined and promoted by critical race theorists is little more than reformulated Marxism. In the name of equity, UCLA Law Professor and critical race theorist Cheryl Harris has proposed suspending private property rights, seizing land and wealth and redistributing them along racial lines. Critical race guru Ibram X. Kendi, who directs the Center for Antiracist Research at Boston University, has proposed the creation of a federal Department of Antiracism. This department would be independent of (i.e., unaccountable to) the elected branches of government, and would have the power to nullify, veto, or abolish any law at any level of government and curtail the speech of political leaders and others who are deemed insufficiently “antiracist.”
One practical result of the creation of such a department would be the overthrow of capitalism, since according to Kendi, “In order to truly be antiracist, you also have to truly be anti-capitalist.” In other words, identity is the means and Marxism is the end.
An equity-based form of government would mean the end not only of private property, but also of individual rights, equality under the law, federalism, and freedom of speech. These would be replaced by race-based redistribution of wealth, group-based rights, active discrimination, and omnipotent bureaucratic authority. Historically, the accusation of “anti-Americanism” has been overused. But in this case, it’s not a matter of interpretation – critical race theory prescribes a revolutionary program that would overturn the principles of the Declaration and destroy the remaining structure of the Constitution.
If I were the next President, my overarching program is to substantially reduce poverty. There are several aspects to this great undertaking. I will deal first with what I call providing “Siguradong Sahod” to a targeted group–those families within the poverty threshold, as currently defined.
Widespread poverty in the Philippines has been a huge problem ever since one can remember. In fact, poverty has been the driving force for the communist insurgency that started a long time ago and which is still going on today. Widespread poverty continues to grow and all the government administrations since the proclamation of the Second Republic had not been able to stem the tide. I believe this problem has not been given the seriousness and the urgency and sufficiency of action that it rightfully…
It took me 50 years to grow edibles finally. Since I had been gardening in 1971, I never ventured into planting vegetables except for a couple of tomatoes. I have grown roses, shrubs, bulbs, perennials, and a few trees. I managed to buy a grapevine three years ago, but that was about it for edibles.
With the onslaught of the pandemic last year, I decided to plant some more vegetables and herbs. It was a small step toward edibles.
I tried some herbs: sweet basil, thyme, rosemary, oregano, parsley, and cilantro. Every herb did well except for sweet basils, of which only two survived this year. I had better luck last year. Maybe I overwatered the sweet basil. Cilantro got choked by parsley that grows so huge in the same Grow Box. Thyme, rosemary, and oregano are doing great. I also grow scallions, but they are not green. They are…
With the summer months come the inevitable unwanted visitors to your garden. They come in droves and devour the leaves, buds, blooms, and even the canes of your roses. Here is one of these creatures which slipped into the Ark when Noah was gathering his flock and now wants to dine in your rose garden.
Adult Japanese beetles are metallic blue-green with copper-wing covers, measuring about ½ inch long and 1/4 inch wide. Japanese beetle larvae (found underground) are C-shaped, plump grayish-white grubs with light brown heads. The larvae grow up to 1 inch long and spend the winter several inches below the soil surface. Adult beetles live for only 30-45 days but can cause significant damage in a short amount of time. They can chew your rose plants away because they eat flower petals and buds and attacked leaves…
Emma came home Saturday afternoon. Paul Conley met her at the Oyster Bay railroad station. She could not wait to get home and see her brother, whom she had not seen for three years. The moment Paul parked the motor car in front of the house, she did not even wait for Paul to open the car. She came bouncing out to get in the house.
“Where is he? Where is Mr. Spencer?” she asked Mr. Yates excitedly as he opened the front door. Mr. Yates did not even have to tell her. They heard him running down the stairs, and as soon as he got down the hallway, the two siblings hugged each other.
“Let me look at you. You have grown up to be a beautiful lady,” Spencer said. Emma blushed. She was tall, slim, and fashionable. Her…
After the revolt of South America and Mexico from Spain, the Philippines became Spain’s richest possession, and the spirit of colonial exploitation grew. In 1896 the Filipinos, led by Emilio Aguinaldo, revolted.
Reforms, as promised by the Spaniards in the Pact of Biak-Na-Bato, were very slow in coming, and small bands of rebels, distrustful of Spanish promises, kept their arms.
In 1898 the United States went to war with Spain. On May 1, 1898, Commodore Dewey arrived in Manila Bay and totally disabled the Spanish fleet. After the U.S. naval victory at Manila Bay, Aguinaldo, with the assistance of the U.S. Navy, returned to the Philippines and the battlefield. With Aguinaldo’s return, the Filipinos, numbering around 12,000, who enlisted under the Spanish flag in the war against America, defected to Aguinaldo’s banner.
Within a month, Aguinaldo established a government with himself as its leader…
As President, I will devote my whole six-year term to provide a much more effective, efficient, decisive and widely focused national leadership with the primary objective of transforming the Filipino nation into a fair, just, equitable and economically well-developed society and, thus, take a big leap forward from what it is today.
The centerpiece and overarching program of that transformation is the substantial reduction, if not near eradication, of widespread poverty and hunger.
Through this series of commentaries, I will endeavor to communicate thesignificant programsthat our administration will undertake to achieve that exceedingly challenging transformation objective, but nonetheless a doable pursuit given the zealousness of our purpose.
As mentioned in the first part of this series, there are urgent issues that need to be properly focused at and…
Not generally known are the historical facts that Miguel Malvar succeeded Aguinaldo as president of the Philippine Republic, the last revolutionary general to lay down his arms in the war against Spain, and the last Filipino rebel to surrender to the Americans.
Malvar was born in Barrio San Miguel, Santo Tomas, Batangas, on September 27, 1865, the eldest of the three children of Maximo Malvar and Tiburcia Carpio. He and his brother, Potenciano, both attended the Malabanan school in Tanawan, the best secondary institution in Batangas. The Malabanan school moved to the town of Bauan in the 1882-83 school year. Miguel spent two years at the Malabanan school and one more year at another local educational institution. He married Paula Maloles and had 13 children, but only 11 survived. He engaged in commerce for a while, and with his earnings, purchased land on the slopes of Mount Makiling, where he…